1932

Abstract

The nineteenth-century conception that linguistic structure was to be explained by recourse to the histories of languages was largely abandoned with the rise of synchronic theories in the twentieth century, but has recently returned to prominence. Whereas traditional generative theories of language have tended to attribute crosslinguistic regularities to constraints imposed on the class of possible grammars by the human Language Faculty, some scholars have argued that this is often a mistake: that there are no (or at least very few) real substantive universals of language, and that the regularities in question arise from common paths of diachronic change having their basis in factors outside of the defining properties of the set of cognitively accessible grammars. This review surveys evidence for that position, primarily in phonology but also in morphology and syntax. I argue that in phonology, there are at present no convincingly demonstrated substantive universals governing the set of possible regularities, and that the generalizations we find should be attributed to a combination of contingent historical developments and biases in the learning algorithm that relates available data to the grammars learners acquire. In morphology and syntax, I argue that some apparent generalizations are indeed the product of diachronic change rather than synchronic constraint.

Loading

Article metrics loading...

/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-linguistics-011415-040735
2016-01-14
2024-04-20
Loading full text...

Full text loading...

/deliver/fulltext/linguistics/2/1/annurev-linguistics-011415-040735.html?itemId=/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-linguistics-011415-040735&mimeType=html&fmt=ahah

Literature Cited

  1. Anderson SR. 1977. On mechanisms by which languages become ergative. Mechanisms of Syntactic Change C Li 317–63 Austin: Univ. Tex. Press [Google Scholar]
  2. Anderson SR. 1981. Why phonology isn't ‘natural’. Linguist. Inq. 12:493–539 [Google Scholar]
  3. Anderson SR. 1985. Phonology in the Twentieth Century Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press
  4. Anderson SR. 1986. The typology of anaphoric dependencies: Icelandic (and other) reflexives. Topics in Scandinavian Syntax L Hellan, K Koch-Kristensen 65–88 Dordrecht, Neth: Reidel [Google Scholar]
  5. Anderson SR. 1988. Objects (direct and not so direct) in English and other languages. On Language: A Festschrift for Robert Stockwell C Duncan-Rose, T Vennemann, J Fisiak 279–306 Beckenham, UK: Croom Helm [Google Scholar]
  6. Anderson SR. 2004. Morphological universals and diachrony. Yearb. Morphol. 2004:1–17 [Google Scholar]
  7. Anderson SR. 2008. The logical structure of linguistic theory. Language 84:795–814 [Google Scholar]
  8. Aristar AR. 1991. On diachronic sources and synchronic pattern: an investigation into the origin of linguistic universals. Language 67:1–33 [Google Scholar]
  9. Bach E, Harms R. 1972. How do languages get crazy rules?. Linguistic Change and Generative Theory RP Stockwell, R Macaulay 1–21 Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press [Google Scholar]
  10. Benveniste É. 1952. La construction passive du parfait transitif. Bull. Soc. Linguist. Paris 48:52–62 [Google Scholar]
  11. Benveniste É. 1960. “Être” et “avoir” dans leurs fonctions linguistiques. Bull. Soc. Linguist. Paris 55:113–34 [Google Scholar]
  12. Blevins J. 2004. Evolutionary Phonology: The Emergence of Sound Patterns Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press
  13. Blevins J. 2006a. A theoretical synopsis of Evolutionary Phonology. Theor. Linguist. 32:117–66 [Google Scholar]
  14. Blevins J. 2006b. Reply to commentaries. Theor. Linguist. 32:245–56 [Google Scholar]
  15. Braithwaite K. 1973. Case shift and verb concord in Georgian PhD thesis, Univ. Tex., Austin 358
  16. Chomsky N, Halle M. 1968. The Sound Pattern of English New York: Harper & Row
  17. Clements GN, Ridouane R. 2011. Where Do Features Come From? Cognitive, Physical and Developmental Bases of Distinctive Speech Categories Amsterdam: Benjamins
  18. Cohn AC. 2011. Features, segments and the sources of phonological primitives. See Clements & Ridouane 2011 15–41
  19. Coon J. 2013. TAM split ergativity. Lang. Linguist. Compass 7:171–200 [Google Scholar]
  20. Cowper E, Hall DC. 2014. Reductiō ad discrīmen: where features come from. Nordlyd 41:145–64 [Google Scholar]
  21. de Lacy P, Kingston J. 2013. Synchronic explanation. Nat. Lang. Linguist. Theory 31:287–355 [Google Scholar]
  22. de Saussure F. 1916 (1974). Cours de linguistique générale. Paris: Payot/Tullio de Mauro [Google Scholar]
  23. Delancey S. 1981. An interpretation of split ergativity and related patterns. Language 57:626–57 [Google Scholar]
  24. Deo A, Sharma D. 2006. Typological variation in the ergative morphology of Indo-Aryan languages. Linguist. Typol. 10:369–418 [Google Scholar]
  25. Dixon RMW. 1991. Mbabaram. Handbook of Australian Languages 4 RMW Dixon, BJ Blake 348–402 Melbourne: Oxford Univ. Press [Google Scholar]
  26. Dixon RMW. 1994. Ergativity Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press
  27. Dresher BE. 2014. The arch and not the stones: universal feature theory without universal features. Nordlyd 41:165–81 [Google Scholar]
  28. Dunn JA. 1979. A reference grammar for the Tsimshian language Ethnol. serv. pap. 55, Natl. Mus. Man Mercury Ser Ottawa: Natl. Mus. Can.
  29. Garrett A. 1990. The origin of NP split ergativity. Language 66:261–96 [Google Scholar]
  30. Garrett A, Johnson K. 2013. Phonetic bias in sound change. Origins of Sound Change: Approaches to Phonologization ACL Yu 51–97 Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press [Google Scholar]
  31. Greenberg JH. 1963. Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the order of meaningful elements. Universals of Language JH Greenberg 73–112 Cambridge, MA: MIT Press [Google Scholar]
  32. Hale M. 2007. Historical Linguistics: Theory and Method Oxford, UK: Blackwell
  33. Hansson GO. 2008. Diachronic explanations of sound patterns. Lang. Linguist. Compass 2:859–93 [Google Scholar]
  34. Harris AC. 1985. Diachronic Syntax: The Kartvelian Case Orlando, FL: Academic
  35. Haspelmath M. 1993. A Grammar of Lezgian Berlin: de Gruyter
  36. Hawkins JA. 2004. Efficiency and Complexity in Grammars Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press
  37. Jakobson R, Fant G, Halle M. 1952 (1963). Preliminaries to Speech Analysis Cambridge, MA: MIT Press
  38. Kiparsky P. 2006. The amphichronic program vs. Evolutionary Phonology. Theor. Linguist. 32:217–36 [Google Scholar]
  39. Kiparsky P. 2008. Universals constrain change; change results in typological generalizations. Linguistic Universals and Language Change J Good 23–53 Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press [Google Scholar]
  40. Levelt CC. 2011. Consonant harmony in child language. The Blackwell Companion to Phonology 3 M van Oostendorp, CJ Ewen, E Hume, K Rice, chapter 72 Oxford, UK: Blackwell [Google Scholar]
  41. Maling J. 1984. Non-clause-bounded reflexives in Icelandic. Linguist. Philos. 7:211–41 [Google Scholar]
  42. McCarthy JJ. 1986. OCP effects: gemination and antigemination. Linguist. Inq. 17:207–63 [Google Scholar]
  43. McCarthy JJ. 1988. Feature geometry and dependency: a review. Phonetica 45:84–108 [Google Scholar]
  44. McCarthy JJ. 1994. The phonetics and phonology of Semitic pharyngeals. Phonological Structure and Phonetic Form: Papers in Laboratory Phonology III P Keating 191–233 Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press [Google Scholar]
  45. Mielke J. 2008. The Emergence of Distinctive Features Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press
  46. Morley RL. 2015. Can phonological universals be emergent? Modeling the space of sound change, lexical distribution, and hypothesis selection. Language (Phonol. Anal.). 91e40–70
  47. Mulder JG. 1994. UC Publications in Linguistics 124 Ergativity in Coast Tsimshian (Sm'algyax Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press [Google Scholar]
  48. Newmeyer FJ. 2006. Possible and Probable Languages Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press
  49. Ohala JJ. 1981. The listener as a source of sound change. Papers from the Parasession on Language and Behavior CS Masek, RA Hendrick, MF Miller 178–203 Chicago: Chicago Linguist. Soc. [Google Scholar]
  50. Ohala JJ. 1993. The phonetics of sound change. Historical Linguistics: Problems and Perspectives237–78 Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press [Google Scholar]
  51. Paul H. 1880. Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte Tübingen, Ger: Niemeyer
  52. Payne DL. 1981. The Phonology and Morphology of Axininca Campa Dallas, TX: Summer Inst. Linguist.
  53. Prince A, Smolensky P. 2004. Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar Oxford, UK: Blackwell
  54. Staroverov P. 2014. Splitting theory and consonant epenthesis PhD thesis, Dep. Linguist., Rutgers Univ, New Brunswick, N.J.
  55. Svantesson JO, Tsendina A, Karlsson A, Franzén V. 2005. The Phonology of Mongolian Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press
  56. Trubetzkoy NS. 1939. Grundzüge der Phonologie. Travaux Cercle Linguist. Prague. Vol. 7
  57. Tsunoda T. 1985. Split case-marking patterns in verb types and tense/aspect/mood. Linguistics 21:385–96 [Google Scholar]
  58. Vaux B. 2002. Consonant epenthesis and the problem of unnatural phonology Presented at Yale Univ. Linguist. Colloq., Sept. 16
  59. Weber BH, Depew DJ. 2003. Evolution and Learning: The Baldwin Effect Reconsidered Cambridge, MA: MIT Press
  60. Yu ACL. 2004. Explaining final obstruent voicing in Lezgian: phonetics and history. Language 80:73–97 [Google Scholar]
/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-linguistics-011415-040735
Loading
/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-linguistics-011415-040735
Loading

Data & Media loading...

  • Article Type: Review Article
This is a required field
Please enter a valid email address
Approval was a Success
Invalid data
An Error Occurred
Approval was partially successful, following selected items could not be processed due to error