Media and Policy Making in the Digital Age

Literature Cited

1. Abou-Chadi T, Orlowski M. 2016. Moderate as necessary: the role of electoral competitiveness and party size in explaining parties’ policy shifts. J. Politics 78:3868–81
   [Google Scholar]
2. Achen CH, Bartels LM. 2017. Democracy for Realists: Why Elections Do Not Produce Responsive Government Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press
3. Adler ES, Wilkerson JD. 2013. Congress and the Politics of Problem Solving New York: Cambridge Univ. Press
4. Aelst PV, Strömbäck J, Aalbert T, Esser F, de Vreese C et al. 2017. Political communication in a high-choice media environment: a challenge for democracy?. Ann. Int. Commun. Assoc 41:13–27
   [Google Scholar]
5. Allcott H, Gentzkow M. 2017. Social media and fake news in the 2016 election. J. Econ. Perspect 31:2211–36
   [Google Scholar]
6. Anduiza E, Cristancho C, Sabucedo JM. 2014. Mobilization through online social networks: the political protest of the Indignados in Spain. Inf. Commun. Soc 17:6750–64
   [Google Scholar]
7. Arendt F, Scherr S. 2019. Investigating an issue–attention–action cycle: a case study on the chronology of media attention, public attention, and actual vaccination behavior during the 2019 measles outbreak in Austria. J. Health Commun 24:7–8654–62
   [Google Scholar]
8. Arlt D, Hoppe I, Wolling J. 2011. Climate change and media usage: effects on problem awareness and behavioural intentions. Int. Commun. Gaz 73:1–245–63
   [Google Scholar]
9. Bail CA, Argyle LP, Brown TW, Bumpus JP, Chen H et al. 2018. Exposure to opposing views on social media can increase political polarization. PNAS 115:379216–21
   [Google Scholar]
10. Balmas M. 2014. When fake news becomes real: combined exposure to multiple news sources and political attitudes of inefficacy, alienation, and cynicism. Commun. Res 41:3430–54
    [Google Scholar]
11. Barabas J, Jerit J. 2009. Estimating the causal effects of media coverage on policy-specific knowledge. Am. J. Political Sci 53:173–89
    [Google Scholar]
12. Barberá P, Casas A, Nagler J, Egan PJ, Bonneau R et al. 2019. Who leads? Who follows? Measuring issue attention and agenda setting by legislators and the mass public using social media data. Am. Political Sci. Rev 113:4883–901
    [Google Scholar]
13. Barberá P, Jost JT, Nagler J, Tucker JA, Bonneau R. 2015. Tweeting from left to right: Is online political communication more than an echo chamber?. Psychol. Sci 26:101531–42
    [Google Scholar]
14. Barnes L, Hicks T. 2018. Making austerity popular: the media and mass attitudes toward fiscal policy. Am. J. Political Sci 62:2340–54
    [Google Scholar]
15. Baum MA. 2002. The constituent foundations of the rally-round-the-flag phenomenon. Int. Stud. Q 46:2263–98
    [Google Scholar]
16. Baumgartner FR, Jones B. 2005. The Politics of Attention: How Government Prioritizes Problems Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press
17. Bekkers V, Edwards A, de Kool D. 2013. Social media monitoring: responsive governance in the shadow of surveillance?. Gov. Inf. Q 30:4335–42
    [Google Scholar]
18. Bennett WL. 1990. Toward a theory of press-state relations in the United States. J. Commun 40:2103–27
    [Google Scholar]
19. Bennett WL. 1996. An introduction to journalism norms and representations of politics. Political Commun 13:4373–84
    [Google Scholar]
20. Bennett WL 2004. Gatekeeping and press-government relations: a multigated model of news construction. Handbook of Political Communication Research LL Kaid 283–314 London: LEA Publ.
    [Google Scholar]
21. Bennett WL 2017. Press–government relations in a changing media environment. The Oxford Handbook of Political Communication K Kenski, KH Jamieson 249–62 Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press
    [Google Scholar]
22. Bennett WL, Lawrence RG, Livingston S 2006. None dare call it torture: indexing and the limits of press independence in the Abu Ghraib scandal. J. Commun 56:3467–85
    [Google Scholar]
23. Bennett WL, Lawrence RG, Livingston S 2008. When the Press Fails: Political Power and the News Media from Iraq to Katrina Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press
24. Bennett WL, Pfetsch B. 2018. Rethinking political communication in a time of disrupted public spheres. J. Commun 68:2243–53
    [Google Scholar]
25. Bennett WL, Segerberg A. 2013. The Logic of Connective Action: Digital Media and the Personalization of Contentious Politics Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press
26. Benson R, Neff T, Hessérus M. 2018. Media ownership and public service news: How strong are institutional logics?. Int. J. Press/Politics 23:3275–98
    [Google Scholar]
27. Birkland TA. 1998. Forcusing events, mobilization and agenda-setting. J. Public Policy 18:153–74
    [Google Scholar]
28. Birkland TA, Lawrence RG. 2009. Media framing and policy change after Columbine. Am. Behav. Sci 52:101405–25
    [Google Scholar]
29. Boomgarden H, Vliegenthart R. 2009. How news content influences anti-immigration attitudes: Germany, 1993–2005. Eur. J. Political Res 48:4516–42
    [Google Scholar]
30. Boulianne S, Lalancette M, Ilkiw D 2020.. ‘ School Strike 4 Climate’: social media and the international youth protest on climate change. Media Commun 8:2208–18
    [Google Scholar]
31. Bovet A, Makse HA. 2019. Influence of fake news in Twitter during the 2016 US presidential election. Nat. Commun 10:7
    [Google Scholar]
32. Boydstun AE. 2013. Making the News: Politics, the Media, and Agenda Setting Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press
33. Boydstun AE, Bevan S, Thomas HF III 2014. The importance of attention diversity and how to measure it. Policy Stud. J 42:2173–96
    [Google Scholar]
34. Boydstun AE, Hardy A, Walgrave S. 2014. Two faces of media attention: media storm versus non-storm coverage. Political Commun 31:4509–31
    [Google Scholar]
35. Brants K, van Praag P. 2017. Beyond media logic. Journal. Stud 18:4395–408
    [Google Scholar]
36. Campbell A, Converse PE, Miller WE, Stokes DE. 1966. The American Voter New York: Wiley
37. Carmines EG, Stimson JA. 1980. The two faces of issue voting. Am. Political Sci. Rev 74:178–91
    [Google Scholar]
38. Chadwick A. 2017. The Hybrid Media System: Politics and Power Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press
39. Chong D, Druckman JN 2007. Framing public opinion in competitive democracies. Am. Political Sci. Rev 101:4637–55
    [Google Scholar]
40. Chong D, Druckman JN. 2013. Counterframing effects. J. Politics 75:11–16
    [Google Scholar]
41. Cobb RW, Elder CD. 1971. The politics of agenda-building: an alternative perspective for modern democratic theory. J. Politics 33:4892–915
    [Google Scholar]
42. Cohen BC. 1963. The Press and Foreign Policy New York: Greenwood
43. Converse PE. 2000. Assessing the capacity of mass electorates. Annu. Rev. Political Sci 3:331–53
    [Google Scholar]
44. Cook TE. 1998. Governing with the News: The News Media as a Political Institution Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press
45. Culpepper PD. 2011. Quiet Politics and Business Power: Corporate Control in Europe and Japan New York: Cambridge Univ. Press
46. Curran J, Iyengar S, Lund AB, Salovaara-Moring I 2009. Media system, public knowledge and democracy: a comparative study. Eur. J. Commun 24:15–26
    [Google Scholar]
47. Downs A. 1972. Up and down with ecology: the issue attention cycle. Public Interest 28:138–50
    [Google Scholar]
48. Dunaway J, Lawrence RG. 2015. What predicts the game frame? Media ownership, electoral context, and campaign news. Political Commun 32:143–60
    [Google Scholar]
49. Eberl J-M, Meltzer CE, Heidenreich T, Herrero B, Theorin N et al. 2018. The European media discourse on immigration and its effects: a literature review. Ann. Int. Commun. Assoc 42:3207–23
    [Google Scholar]
50. Eisensee T, Strömberg D. 2007. News droughts, news floods, and US disaster relief. Q. J. Econ 122:2693–728
    [Google Scholar]
51. Engesser S, Ernst N, Esser F, Büchel F. 2017. Populism and social media: how politicians spread a fragmented ideology. Inf. Commun. Soc 20:81109–26
    [Google Scholar]
52. Erikson RS, MacKuen MB, Stimson JA. 2002. The Macro Polity New York: Cambridge Univ. Press
53. Esser F 2013. Mediatization as a challenge: media logic versus political logic. Democracy in the Age of Globalization and Mediatization H Kriesi, S Lavenex, F Esser, J Matthes, M Bühlmann, D Bochsler 155–76 London: Palgrave Macmillan
    [Google Scholar]
54. Feezell JT. 2018. Agenda setting through social media: the importance of incidental news exposure and social filtering in the digital era. Political Res. Q 71:2482–94
    [Google Scholar]
55. Gilardi F, Gessler T, Kubli M, Müller S. 2022. Social media and political agenda setting. Political Commun 39:139–60
    [Google Scholar]
56. Gomez R, Ramiro L. 2019. The limits of organizational innovation and multi-speed membership: Podemos and its new forms of party membership. Party Politics 25:4534–46
    [Google Scholar]
57. Graziano L, Schuck A, Martin C. 2010. Police misconduct, media coverage, and public perceptions of racial profiling: an experiment. Justice Q 27:152–76
    [Google Scholar]
58. Green-Pedersen C. 2019. The Reshaping of West European Party Politics: Agenda-Setting and Party Competition in Comparative Perspective Oxford/New York: Oxford Univ. Press
59. Green-Pedersen C, Stubager R. 2010. The political conditionality of mass media influence: When do parties follow mass media attention?. Br. J. Political Sci 40:3663–77
    [Google Scholar]
60. Grossman E, Guinaudeau I. 2021. Do Elections Still Matter? Mandates, Institutions and Policymaking in Western Europe Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press
61. Gunitsky S. 2015. Corrupting the cyber-commons: social media as a tool of autocratic stability. Perspect. Politics 13:142–54
    [Google Scholar]
62. Hallin DC. 1986. The Uncensored War: The Media and Vietnam New York: Oxford Univ. Press
63. Harcup T, O'Neill D 2017. What is news?. Journal. Stud 18:121470–88
    [Google Scholar]
64. Hardy J. 2010. Western Media Systems London: Routledge
65. Haselmayer M, Meyer TM, Wagner M. 2019. Fighting for attention: media coverage of negative campaign messages. Party Politics 25:3412–23
    [Google Scholar]
66. Heiberger R, Majó-Vázquez S, Herrero LC. 2021. Do not blame the media! The role of politicians and parties in fragmenting online political debate. Int. J. Press/Politics press
    [Google Scholar]
67. Herman ES, Chomsky N. 2010. Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media New York: Random House
68. Hetherington MJ. 1996. The media's role in forming voters’ national economic evaluations in 1992. Am. J. Political Sci 40:2372–95
    [Google Scholar]
69. Hetherington MJ, Nelson M. 2003. Anatomy of a rally effect: George W. Bush and the war on terrorism. Political Sci. Politics 36:137–42
    [Google Scholar]
70. Iyengar S, Kinder DR. 1987. News That Matters: Agenda-Setting and Priming in a Television Age Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press
71. Iyengar S, Simon AF. 2000. New perspectives and evidence on political communication and campaign effects. Annu. Rev. Psychol 51:149–69
    [Google Scholar]
72. Jann W, Wegrich K 2007. Theories of the policy cycle. Handbook of Public Policy Analysis: Theory, Politics, and Methods, Vol. 125 F Fischer, GS Miller, MS Sidney 43–62 Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press
    [Google Scholar]
73. Jones BD, Larsen-Price H, Wilkerson J. 2009. Representation and American governing institutions. J. Politics 71:01277–90
    [Google Scholar]
74. Jungherr A, Rivero G, Gayo-Avello D. 2020. Retooling Politics: How Digital Media Are Shaping Democracy Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press
75. Klinger U, Svensson J. 2015. The emergence of network media logic in political communication: a theoretical approach. New Media Soc 17:81241–57
    [Google Scholar]
76. Lasswell HD. 1971 (1927). Propaganda Technique in World War I Cambridge, MA: MIT Press
77. Lazarsfeld PF, Berelson B, Gaudet H. 1944. The People's Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Election New York: Duell, Sloan & Pearce
78. Lee N-J, McLeod DM, Shah DV. 2008. Framing policy debates issue dualism, journalistic frames, and opinions on controversial policy issues. Commun. Res 35:5695–718
    [Google Scholar]
79. Lefevere J, Tresch A, Walgrave S 2015. Associative issue ownership as a determinant of voters’ campaign attention. West Eur. Politics 38:4888–908
    [Google Scholar]
80. Lewis-Beck MS. 1986. Comparative economic voting: Britain, France, Germany, Italy. Am. J. Political Sci 30:2315–46
    [Google Scholar]
81. Lippmann W. 1997 (1922). Public Opinion New York: Transaction
82. Livingston S, Bennett WL. 2003. Gatekeeping, indexing, and live-event news: Is technology altering the construction of news?. Political Commun 20:4363–80
    [Google Scholar]
83. Lobo MC, Pannico R. 2020. Increased economic salience or blurring of responsibility? Economic voting during the Great Recession. Electoral Stud 65:102141
    [Google Scholar]
84. Lovari A. 2020. Spreading (dis)trust: Covid-19 misinformation and government intervention in Italy. Media Commun 8:2458–61
    [Google Scholar]
85. Lowi T. 1964. American business, public policy, case-studies and political theory. World Politics 16:4677–715
    [Google Scholar]
86. Mancini P. 2013. Media fragmentation, party system, and democracy. Int. J. Press/Politics 18:143–60
    [Google Scholar]
87. Margetts H, John P, Hale S, Yasseri T. 2015. Political Turbulence: How Social Media Shape Collective Action Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press
88. Mazzoleni G, Schulz W. 1999. ‘Mediatization’ of politics: a challenge for democracy?. Political Commun 16:3247–61
    [Google Scholar]
89. McCombs ME. 2004. Setting the Agenda: The Mass Media and Public Opinion Cambridge, UK: Polity
90. McCombs ME, Shaw DL. 1972. The agenda-setting function of mass media. Public Opin. Q 36:2176–87
    [Google Scholar]
91. Meraz S, Papacharissi Z. 2013. Networked gatekeeping and networked framing on Egypt. Int. J. Press/Politics 18:2138–66
    [Google Scholar]
92. Moran M. 1991. The Politics of Financial Services Revolution: The USA, UK and Japan Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan
93. Motta M, Stecula D, Farhart C. 2020. How right-leaning media coverage of COVID-19 facilitated the spread of misinformation in the early stages of the pandemic in the US. Can. J. Political Sci./Rev. Can. Sci. Politique 53:2335–42
    [Google Scholar]
94. Müller WC. 2000. Political parties in parliamentary democracies: making delegation and accountability work. Eur. J. Political Res. 37:3309–33
    [Google Scholar]
95. Neuner F, Soroka S, Wlezien C. 2019. Mass media as a source of public responsiveness. Int. J. Press/Politics 24:3269–92
    [Google Scholar]
96. Noam EM. 2016. Who Owns the World's Media? Media Concentration and Ownership around the World New York: Oxford Univ. Press
97. Nyhan B. 2015. Scandal potential: how political context and news congestion affect the president's vulnerability to media scandal. Br. J. Political Sci 45:2435–66
    [Google Scholar]
98. Petrocik JR. 1996. Issue ownership in presidential elections, with a 1980 case study. Am. J. Political Sci 40:3825–50
    [Google Scholar]
99. Picard RG, Van Weezel A. 2008. Capital and control: consequences of different forms of newspaper ownership. Int. J. Media Manag 10:122–31
    [Google Scholar]
100. Pitkin HF. 1967. The Concept of Representation Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press
101. Popkin SL. 2020. The Reasoning Voter: Communication and Persuasion in Presidential Campaigns Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press
102. Powell GB. 2004. The chain of responsiveness. J. Democracy 15:491–105
     [Google Scholar]
103. Powell GB, Whitten GD. 1993. A cross-national analysis of economic voting: taking account of the political context. Am. J. Political Sci 37:2391–414
     [Google Scholar]
104. Prior M. 2007. Post-Broadcast Democracy: How Media Choice Increases Inequality in Political Involvement and Polarizes Elections New York: Cambridge Univ. Press
105. Robinson P. 2001. Theorizing the influence of media on world politics: models of media influence on foreign policy. Eur. J. Commun 16:4523–44
     [Google Scholar]
106. Robinson P. 2019. Expanding the field of political communication: making the case for a fresh perspective through ‘propaganda studies. .’ Front. Commun 4:26
     [Google Scholar]
107. Russell A, Dwidar M, Jones BD. 2016. The mass media and the policy process. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.240
     [Crossref] [Google Scholar]
108. Schattschneider EE. 1960. The Semi-Sovereign People: A Realist's View of Democracy in America New York: Wadsworth
109. Scheufele DA, Tewksbury D. 2007. Framing, agenda setting, and priming: the evolution of three media effects models. J. Commun 57:19–20
     [Google Scholar]
110. Schmidt A, Ivanova A, Schäfer MS. 2013. Media attention for climate change around the world: a comparative analysis of newspaper coverage in 27 countries. Global Environ. Change 23:51233–48
     [Google Scholar]
111. Schneider A, Ingram H. 1993. Social construction of target populations: implications for politics and policy. Am. Political Sci. Rev 87:2334–47
     [Google Scholar]
112. Schudson M. 2002. The news media as political institutions. Annu. Rev. Political Sci 5:249–69
     [Google Scholar]
113. Sevenans J, Walgrave S, Epping GJ 2016. How political elites process information from the news: the cognitive mechanisms behind behavioral political agenda-setting effects. Political Commun. 33:4605–27
     [Google Scholar]
114. Shehata A, Strömbäck J. 2018. Learning political news from social media: network media logic and current affairs news learning in a high-choice media environment. Commun. Res 48:1125–47
     [Google Scholar]
115. Shih T-J, Wijaya R, Brossard D 2008. Media coverage of public health epidemics: linking framing and issue attention cycle toward an integrated theory of print news coverage of epidemics. Mass Commun. Soc 11:2141–60
     [Google Scholar]
116. Shoemaker PJ, Vos TP. 2009. Gatekeeping Theory New York: Routledge
117. Singer MM, Carlin RE. 2013. Context counts: the election cycle, development, and the nature of economic voting. J. Politics 75:3730–42
     [Google Scholar]
118. Song H, de Zúñiga HG, Boomgaarden HG. 2020. Social media news use and political cynicism: differential pathways through ‘news finds me’ perception. Mass Commun. Soc 23:147–70
     [Google Scholar]
119. Soroka SN. 2002. Agenda-Setting Dynamics in Canada Vancouver: Univ. Br. Columbia Press
120. Soroka SN, Lawlor A, Farnsworth S, Young L 2012. Mass media and policymaking. Routledge Handbook of Public Policy W Xun, M Ramesh, M Howlett, S Fritzen, E Araral 1–15 London: Routledge
     [Google Scholar]
121. Soroka SN, Wlezien C. 2010. Degrees of Democracy: Politics, Public Opinion, and Policy Cambridge/New York: Cambridge Univ. Press
122. Soroka SN, Wlezien C. 2019. Tracking the coverage of public policy in mass media. Policy Stud. J 47:2471–91
     [Google Scholar]
123. Sparrow BH. 2006. A research agenda for an institutional media. Political Commun. 23:2145–57
     [Google Scholar]
124. Spoon J-J, Klüver H. 2014. Do parties respond? How electoral context influences party responsiveness. Electoral Stud 35:48–60
     [Google Scholar]
125. Sulkin T. 2005. Issue Politics in Congress New York: Cambridge Univ. Press
126. Theocharis Y, Lowe W, Van Deth JW, García-Albacete G. 2015. Using Twitter to mobilize protest action: online mobilization patterns and action repertoires in the Occupy Wall Street, Indignados, and Aganaktismenoi movements. Inf. Commun. Soc 18:2202–20
     [Google Scholar]
127. Thesen G. 2013. When good news is scarce and bad news is good: government responsibilities and opposition possibilities in political agenda-setting. Eur. J. Political Res 52:3364–89
     [Google Scholar]
128. Thesen G, Mortensen PB, Green-Pedersen C. 2020. Cost of ruling as a game of tones: the accumulation of bad news and incumbents’ vote loss. Eur. J. Political Res 59:3555–77
     [Google Scholar]
129. Tresch A, Sciarini P, Varone F. 2013. The relationship between media and political agendas: variations across decision-making phases. West Eur. . Politics 36:5897–918
     [Google Scholar]
130. Trippi J. 2004. The Revolution Will Not Be Televised: Democracy, the Internet, and the Overthrow of Everything New York: William Morrow
131. Tufekci Z, Wilson C. 2012. Social media and the decision to participate in political protest: observations from Tahrir Square. J. Commun 62:2363–79
     [Google Scholar]
132. Van der Meer T, Kroon AC, Verhoeven P, Jonkman J. 2019. Mediatization and the disproportionate attention to negative news: the case of airplane crashes. Journal. Stud 20:6783–803
     [Google Scholar]
133. Vliegenthart R, Walgrave S, Baumgartner FR et al. 2016a. Do the media set the parliamentary agenda? A comparative study in seven countries. Eur. J. Political Res 55:2283–301
     [Google Scholar]
134. Vliegenthart R, Walgrave S, Wouters R et al. 2016b. The media as a dual mediator of the political agenda–setting effect of protest. a longitudinal study in six Western European countries. Soc. Forces 95:2837–59
     [Google Scholar]
135. Waisbord S. 2018. Truth is what happens to news: on journalism, fake news, and post-truth. Journal. Stud 19:131866–78
     [Google Scholar]
136. Walgrave S, Boydstun AE, Vliegenthart R, Hardy A. 2017. The nonlinear effect of information on political attention: media storms and US congressional hearings. Political Commun 34:4548–70
     [Google Scholar]
137. Walgrave S, Lefevere J, Tresch A 2012. The associative dimension of issue ownership. Public Opin. Q 76:4771–82
     [Google Scholar]
138. Walgrave S, Soroka S, Nuytemans M. 2008. The mass media's political agenda-setting power: a longitudinal analysis of media, Parliament, and government in Belgium (1993 to 2000). Comp. Political Stud 41:6814–36
     [Google Scholar]
139. Walgrave S, Van Aelst P. 2006. The contingency of the mass media's political agenda setting power: toward a preliminary theory. J. Commun 56:188–109
     [Google Scholar]
140. Wilson JQ 1980. The Politics of Regulation New York: Basic Books
141. Wolfe M. 2012. Putting on the brakes or pressing on the gas? Media attention and the speed of policymaking. Policy Stud. J 40:1109–26
     [Google Scholar]
142. Wolfe M, Jones BD, Baumgartner FR. 2013. A failure to communicate: agenda setting in media and policy studies. Political Commun 30:2175–92
     [Google Scholar]
143. Wolfsfeld G. 2011. Making Sense of Media and Politics: Five Principles in Political Communication New York: Taylor & Francis
144. Wright S. 2016. ‘Success’ and online political participation: the case of Downing Street e-petitions. Inf. Commun. Soc 19:6843–57
     [Google Scholar]
145. Yanovitzky I. 2002. Effects of news coverage on policy attention and actions: a closer look into the media-policy connection. Commun. Res 29:4422–51
     [Google Scholar]
146. Zaller J. 1992. The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion New York: Cambridge Univ. Press
147. Zhu J-H. 1992. Issue competition and attention distraction: a zero-sum theory of agenda-setting. Journal. Q. 69:4825–36
     [Google Scholar]
148. Zucker HG 1978. The variable nature of news media influence. Communication Yearbook, Vol. 2 BD Ruben 225–40 New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books
     [Google Scholar]