Annual Review of Law and Social Science - Volume 6, 2010
Volume 6, 2010
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Law and Society: Project and Practice
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 1–23More LessThis review analyzes four decades of law-and-society scholarship by examining and contrasting the first and last 13 years of the Law & Society Review (LSR). It compares the programmatic statements of Law and Society Association presidents and LSR editors with the scholarship published, offering explanations for and critiques of project and practice.
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Resistance to Legality
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 25–44More LessThe contingency of legality creates opportunities for individuals and collective associations to oppose its norms and requirements. This article examines the context and dimensions of resistance or opposition to legality, why resistance occurs, the strategies and tactics used to conduct resistance, the outcomes of acts of resistance, and whether resistance is a meaningful social and political activity.
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Specters of Foucault in Law and Society Scholarship
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 45–59More LessTo reflect on how we, in 2010, might make the best use of the analytical tools developed by Michel Foucault, we need first to go back to the 1970s and situate his work in the intellectual history of the European left. We then see that Foucault was extremely careful to avoid developing a new model, a grand social theory that might replace the Marxism that was dominant then. Instead, he cultivated more empirically grounded, historically specific habits of thought, in a series of books that did not follow a consistent plan. In Foucault's work, the basic terms are themselves tactical weapons, and hence do not have fixed meanings. That is, the terms are not concepts. This has gone largely unnoticed in the literature: Most of the scholars who use Foucault adopt the content but use it to prop up old forms. The governmentality literature has been particularly influential in many law and society circles, and it tends to use Foucault to produce an improved sociology of modernity—rather than to question our own desire to call ourselves modern and challenge our yearning for static models. This review examines one attempt to turn Foucault into a legal philosopher, a more novel but equally problematic effort to use Foucault to renovate old disciplines. The key argument of the review is that Foucault's work is most useful when, rather than attempt to “apply” it, we use it as inspiration to ourselves to examine the preconditions and foundations of our own present's intellectual habits.
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Law and Cognitive Neuroscience
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 61–92More LessLaw and neuroscience (sometimes neurolaw) has become a recognized field of study. The advances of neuroscience are proving useful in solving some perennial challenges of legal scholarship and are leading to applications in law and policy. While caution is appropriate in considering neurolaw approaches, the new knowledge should—and will—be put to use. Areas of special attention in current neurolaw scholarship include (a) techniques for the objective investigation of subjective states such as pain, memory, and truth-telling; (b) evidentiary issues for admitting neuroscience facts and approaches into a court proceeding; (c) free will, responsibility, moral judgment, and punishment; (d) juvenile offenders; (e) addiction; (f) mental health; (g) bias; (h) emotion; and (i) the neuroeconomics of decision making and cooperation. The future of neurolaw will be more productive if challenges to collaboration between lawyers and scientists can be resolved.
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The Law's Use of Brain Evidence
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 93–108More LessThis review examines how advances in neuroscience are affecting civil law, criminal law, and law enforcement. Brain imaging techniques have already been used to detect brain injury, assess pain, and determine mental state and capacity for rational thought. There is also much excitement about using neuroimaging to detect lies and deception in legal and national security contexts. Despite claims of neuroimaging's revolutionary nature, numerous questions should be answered about their validity and reliability before they become widely adopted. Neuroscientists still do not fully understand the link between brain activity and behavior or memory formation. Important legal and ethical questions remain unresolved, particularly around the potential effect on juries and judges of colorful, but scientifically unproven, brain images. Finally, the very impetus behind the use of neuroscience in the legal system—to avoid the subjectivity and uncertainty of more traditional methods for assessing thought and behavior—may be misguided.
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Psychological Syndromes and Criminal Responsibility
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 109–127More LessIn criminal cases, evidence about psychological syndromes is typically introduced by the defense in support of insanity, self-defense, or imperfect self-defense claims and by the prosecution to show that a criminal act occurred. The admissibility of defense-proffered testimony about phenomena such as battered woman syndrome, combat stress syndrome, or XYY syndrome depends in the first instance on how insanity, self-defense, and other defensive doctrines are defined (the materiality issue). Additionally, this type of testimony, as well as prosecution-proffered evidence about phenomena such as rape trauma syndrome and abused child syndrome, must bear indicia of reliability (the probative value issue), add to the fact finder's knowledge (the helpfulness issue), and avoid distracting or confusing the fact finder (the prejudice issue). The ultimate admissibility decision involves consideration of the scope of the criminal law, the scientific methodology associated with the syndrome, the counter-intuitiveness of the evidence, and the role and capacities of juries.
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On the Politics of Imprisonments: A Review of Systematic Findings
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 129–149More LessThe great expansion in imprisonments in the United States in the past 35years is puzzling partly because this abrupt growth is completely unprecedented. Changes in the crime rates alone cannot explain this trend, and ideational accounts that focus on penal styles are problematic. Political explanations, however, show promise, given that governments must provide domestic order and candidates can use public concerns about race and street crime to win elections. This review highlights the empirical literature in sociology and also discusses some important findings in political science and economics. Law-and-order campaign appeals combined with a covert emphasis on the links between race and street crime used to overcome Republican electoral disadvantages seem to provide the most plausible explanations for the rapid increase in U.S. imprisonment rates in this racially divided society. Dissimilar political arrangements help explain why imprisonment trends in the United States have sharply departed from these trends in the affluent but less direct democracies in Western Europe.
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Social Historical Studies of Women, Crime, and Courts
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 151–171More LessWhile traditional criminology has ignored the historical dimension of female crime, social historical literature has examined the interplay between gender and the criminal process in a variety of historical settings. This review examines studies focusing on changes in crime, prosecution, conviction, and punishment patterns over time, as well as studies in particular settings. From these studies we conclude that crime has not always been a predominantly male phenomenon and that female crime rates have changed over time. We also conclude that, within the different categories, women defendants in particular were perceived through a gendered perspective, and their criminalization and punishment, as well as its representation in popular culture, reflected this special perspective.
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The Nexus of Domestic Violence Reform and Social Science: From Instrument of Social Change to Institutionalized Surveillance
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 173–193More LessThis review examines the relationship between social science research and domestic violence activism. It explores how the feminist conception of domestic violence, as formulated early in the movement, has had a resounding influence on the development of both theory and practice. The review demonstrates how social science research has often followed uncritically the path set out by anti–domestic violence activists. It provides an examination of how studies of the efficacy of legal sanctions fail to raise questions about the consequences of these interventions into private lives. The review also considers how the feminist conception of domestic violence has led to unresolved scholarly debates about the frequency and attributes of women's violence as compared to men's. In addition, it shows that the failure of feminism's explanatory framework to guide theory and practice has contributed to the triumph of a gender-neutral understanding of the problem and its reformulation as intimate partner violence. Consequently, the field has seen the growth of applied social science that has adopted a gender-neutral framework and relied upon the mechanisms of universal screening and risk management to address domestic violence. Finally, the value of ethnographic approaches are considered, particularly in regard to their potential to open the field to broader issues about social control, local culture, and inequality and their relation to the persistence of domestic violence as a social problem.
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Law and Culture in a Global Context: Interventions to Eradicate Female Genital Cutting
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 195–215More LessFemale genital cutting practices (FGCs) provide a contemporary lens into the relationship between law and culture in a global context. In this discussion, we take both legal and cultural pluralism seriously to illustrate how laws and cultures interact to create or resist change. We consider law and culture at the international, national, and community levels. The literature shows how “insiders” who speak the language of “outsiders” can quickly lose their legitimacy at any of these levels. We also discern that the impact of law is notably more effective in the global North than in the global South although laws in all countries are typically adopted with little input from FGC-practicing communities. The greater effectiveness of laws in the North occurs because they tend to be accompanied by changes in informal social control mechanisms. In the global South, when trusted organizations work with communities to increase overall living standards as well as combat FGCs, they tend to be highly effective in reducing the practices. Ultimately, to determine the impact of international and national laws, scholars need to look at development efforts as well as anti-FGC statutes.
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The Law and Economics of Bribery and Extortion
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 217–238More LessCorruption has serious economic and social costs and can undermine government legitimacy. Economic analysis can help one understand the incentives for bribery and extortion and the deterrent effect of the law. Such analysis suggests that the law in many jurisdictions ought to be redesigned. Penalties are poorly tied to the marginal benefits of bribery. Small bribes often are more effectively deterred than larger ones because penalties are not tied to the perpetrators' gains. Economic analysis also highlights the tension between obtaining evidence to bring a case ex post and deterrence ex ante. Furthermore, enforcement programs have not incorporated bureaucratic structure in a sophisticated way, and in many countries the criminal law only applies to individuals, not firms. In short, economic analysis can help guide the reform debate by proposing workable law enforcement strategies for the control of bribery and extortion.
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The Politics of Crime, Punishment, and Social Order in East Asia
David Leheny, and Sida LiuVol. 6 (2010), pp. 239–258More LessRecent scholarship on crime, law, and society in China and Japan has addressed the politics of globalization and legal reform in both countries, but political context is not self-revealing. The literature on China has focused too often on the role of the police in an authoritarian state without sufficiently taking into account the changing balance of power among judicial actors, which may be more important for understanding the shape and direction of Chinese legal reform. In contrast, the literature in Japan has recently begun to grapple with the new politicization of criminal justice but could do more to show how these concerns are intimately connected to deeper unease about the country's future. In suggesting new ways of analyzing the politics of criminal justice in China and Japan, this article also argues for increased attention to the social consequences of crime's increasing political saliency, including patterns of marginalization and constructions of deviancy.
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Human Rights and Policing: Exigency or Incongruence?
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 259–283More LessThe juncture of human rights and policing is a relatively recent field of scholarship. It tends to explain the relationship between policing and human rights as one of exigency and necessity, culminating in the idea of police as human rights defenders. An ethnographically rich scholarship on policing has emerged both as a critical response to these assumptions and out of an awareness of the impossible but nevertheless central role that policing has come to play in a neoliberal age. This critical scholarship takes the juncture of policing and human rights as a historically specific phenomenon and enables us to understand many of its contingencies. It reintegrates the normative presuppositions of human rights policing as societal facts among other societal facts and points to how human rights and policing enable and foreclose new ways of ordering society and bring about particular articulations of biopolitics with assertions of sovereignty.
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South African Constitutional Jurisprudence: The First Fifteen Years
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 285–300More LessSouth Africa became a constitutional democracy in 1994. This article reviews the first 15years of constitutional jurisprudence produced by the country's first Constitutional Court. While the court interpreted the Constitution to eradicate racist, sexist, and homophobic legislation and similar common law rules, it did little to promote a comprehensive transformation of the legal system and thus the patterns of distribution that were supported by the law. This is illustrated particularly in the area of social and economic rights. The conclusion is thus reached that the new legal foundations are insufficiently resilient to hold the weight of constitutional expectation.
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After the Rights Revolution: Bills of Rights in the Postconflict State
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 301–322More LessBills of rights are now central components of liberal democratic constitutions. But debates over the character and content of bills of rights are no longer at the center of more recent rounds of postconflict constitutional politics. This review puzzles through the rise and decline, but persistence, of rights-based constitutionalism. Neither comparative constitutional law nor constitutional politics offers the answer. The literature on civil war settlement suggests that bills of rights serve two functions in postconflict constitutions: a regulative role to check the abuse of public power and a constitutive role to serve as the basis of a new constitutional identity. Bills of rights cannot do the work that is expected of them. Politicized judiciaries, constitutional underenforcement, and the ex post nature of judicial review undermine the ability of the bill of rights to serve as a credible commitment against future abuses of human rights. Moreover, the idea of a bill of rights as a source of shared political identity abstracted from a contingent political and historical context is unlikely to succeed in practice.
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The Gatehouses and Mansions: Fifty Years Later
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 323–339More LessIn 1965, Yale Kamisar authored “Equal Justice in the Gatehouses and Mansions of American Criminal Procedure,” an article that came to have an enormous impact on the development of criminal procedure and American norms of criminal justice. Today, that article is a seminal work of scholarship, hailed for “playing a significant part in producing some of the [Warren] Court's most important criminal-procedure decisions” (White 2003–2004), including Miranda v. Arizona. The most influential concept Kamisar promoted may have been his recognition of a gap that loomed between the Constitutional rights actualized in mansions (courts) versus gatehouses (police stations). Kamisar passionately detailed how the Constitution and its jurisprudential progeny failed to protect suspects when those rights mattered most: when facing questioning by police. This article discusses where this thesis stands today in light of nearly 50years of legal developments and social science research.
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The Strategic Analysis of Judicial Decisions
Lee Epstein, and Tonja JacobiVol. 6 (2010), pp. 341–358More LessSince the 1990s, there has been an explosion of empirical and theoretical work dedicated to advancing strategic accounts of law and legal institutions. Reviewing this extensive literature could be accomplished in multiple ways. We chose an approach that underscores a major contribution of strategic accounts: that they have forced scholars to think about the interdependent—i.e., strategic—nature of judicial decisions. On strategic accounts, in other words, judges do not make decisions in a vacuum, but rather take into account the preferences and likely actions of other relevant actors, including their colleagues, their judicial superiors, and members of the other branches of government. After defining strategic analysis and how it differs from other approaches to judicial decisions, we examine the literature on the forms of strategic behavior in which (preference-maximizing) judges engage when interacting with these three sets of actors.
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Environmental Law and Native American Law
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 359–386More LessThis review seeks to engage two bodies of scholarship that have typically been analyzed as discrete areas of enquiry—environmental law and American Indian law. In the twenty-first century, native peoples' involvement in environmental politics is becoming more assertive. In this context it is necessary to think about the impact indigenous involvement may have in shaping future U.S. environmental agendas and regulations. After briefly discussing the rise of environmental movements and environmental law in the United States, I turn to the historical treatment of native peoples and in particular the treatment of their natural resources. This historical backdrop is essential to understanding tribal status today under the Environmental Protection Agency, and the challenges some tribal governments now present to environmental exploitation and degradation by states and corporations. The review concludes by reflecting on the future of U.S. environmental law in the context of increasing pressure being exerted by international environmental law and global indigenous politics.
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The Mass Media, Public Opinion, and Lesbian and Gay Rights
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 387–403More LessDemocratic theorists assume that government policy responds to public opinion. But public opinion may be influenced by other political actors through the mass media instead. Scholars agree that the news media have become more attentive to and supportive of lesbian and gay rights over time, and they identify several factors as explanations for the change. While events, the gay rights movement, official statements, and government action may have had an effect, coverage was contingent on the decisions of news institutions and media owners to devote attention to them. There have been few studies on the media's impact, but decisions to cover the gay rights movement appear to have moved public opinion. Despite setbacks, continued debate over gay rights is likely to generate favorable media attention and lead to increased public support for lesbian and gay rights over time.
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Happiness Studies and Legal Policy
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 405–432More LessSocial scientists have conducted numerous empirical and experimental studies of self-reported happiness. This review focuses on two fundamental areas of research in happiness and law, namely alternative measures of happiness and various policies to foster happiness. There are many aspects, concepts, dimensions, and visions of happiness. Empirical findings often depend critically on which particular measure of happiness is analyzed. Happiness studies have applications to national well-being indices; policy evaluation; civil judicial and jury decision making about liability and damages in cases of sexual harassment, employment discrimination, and torts; optimal tax law design; family law; criminal sentencing; legal education; and legal practice. There are decision-making, health, productivity, and psychological benefits to various types of happiness. There are more or less paternalistic happiness interventions, including policies to encourage regular physical exercise, good sleep, and meditation. Hopefully, analysis of these topics offers exemplars of possibilities and limits to utilizing happiness studies in designing legal policy.
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Insurance in Sociolegal Research
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 433–447More LessInsurance has a long history in sociolegal research, most prominently as a window on accident compensation and related tort law in action. Recent work has extended that research, with the result that tort law in action may be the best mapped of any legal field outside criminal law. Sociological research has begun to explore insurance as a form of governance, with effects in many legal fields and across the economy. This article reviews developments in both bodies of work. It examines the relationship between liability insurance and tort law in action using the metaphors of window and frame, as well as reviews research on insurance as governance. The conclusion returns to insurance as governance in the context of liability insurance, arguing that this is an especially promising field for sociolegal research.
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The Debate over African American Reparations
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 449–467More LessThis article offers an overview of the debate over reparations for African Americans in the United States. We state the point in this way because there is little consensus about the cause of action for which reparations are sought, whether for slavery or segregation; for that matter, there is little agreement on the type of remedy reparations might effect. This raises the question of political mobilization for and popular views of reparations for African Americans. It is well known that whites and African Americans have very different perspectives on this issue. We seek to address the underlying reasons for and significance of this dissensus, stressing peculiarities of American political culture. Less discussed, however, have been the consequences for the reparations debate of recent historical developments in the United States—in particular, the election of Barack Obama as president of the United States. In addition to assessing the significance of these developments for the debate over reparations, we point to several new directions that the notion of reparations appears to be taking. We conclude with some thoughts about how reparations—understood chiefly in terms of their larger aim of enhancing racial equality—might realistically be achieved.
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Comparative Studies of Law, Slavery, and Race in the Americas
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 469–485More LessThis review surveys the historical research comparing U.S. and Latin American law and slavery and describes how it has informed the development of legal studies of slavery in the Americas. The first generation of comparative work on race and slavery relied heavily on law to draw sharp contrasts between U.S. and Latin American slavery. Revisionist social historians criticized those scholars for providing a misleading top-down history of slavery based on metropolitan codes and instead emphasized demographic and economic factors that suggested pronounced variation in slavery regimes. However, social historians who study relationships of power in slaves' lives have found that they must reckon with law and legal institutions. Recently, legal historians have also begun to explore slave law from the bottom up: through slaves' claims in court, trial-level adjudications, and interactions among ordinary people and low-level government officials. Most studies of slavery stay within one national context, but a few scholars have begun comparative work once more, some examining slavery and freedom in the transnational context of the Atlantic world, others attempting comparisons of manumission in localities across legal regimes.
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Understanding Law and Race as Mutually Constitutive: An Invitation to Explore an Emerging Field
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 487–505More LessThis article argues that law and race coconstruct each other. The idea that race is socially constructed has become widely accepted, and studies increasingly have explored law's role in shaping racial categories, racial conflict, racial ideology, and the racial order. Fewer studies have utilized a well-developed concept of race to examine how it has affected legislation, legal processes, legal ideology, and so forth. To explore how law and race are mutually constitutive, I draw on examples from a dozen monographs (all but one published since 1999) that are in-depth case studies of how law and race have interacted in diverse geographical regions over the past 400years. Cumulatively, they present new insights about how law and race are coconstructed to reproduce and transform racial inequality in society. They represent an emerging genre of sociolegal studies that reveals how law and race shape each other in an ongoing, dialectic process.
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The Comparative Politics of Carbon Taxation
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 507–529More LessCap and trade and carbon taxes offer the prospect of reducing greenhouse gas emissions at a lower cost to society than conventional regulation. Between these two market-based approaches, however, carbon taxes offer significant advantages, including transparency and predictability of costs, ease of implementation, and application to small and large sources alike. This article thus seeks to inform our understanding of the conditions under which carbon taxes are politically viable by comparing the experience of four jurisdictions: Finland and Denmark, which adopted carbon taxes; Germany, which adopted a related energy tax; and Canada, which rejected a carbon tax. The cases highlight the role of policy entrepreneurs in advancing academic theories about environmental taxation. However, the impact of those ideas was conditional on voters' attention to either the environmental or economic benefits of carbon taxes. Even then, business tended to be more attentive, thus winning tax concessions relative to households. Proportional electoral systems tended to facilitate adoption of carbon taxes, whereas international institutions had mixed effects, in some cases advancing harmonization and in others undermining resolve for unilateral taxation.
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Capitalism, Governance, and Authority: The Case of Corporate Social Responsibility
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 531–553More LessThe career of corporate social responsibility (CSR) indicates that it evolved into a field of private and self-regulation that bears all the hallmarks of new governance. Accordingly, this review offers an analysis of CSR as a reflection on the governance turn in sociolegal studies. It relies on the literature to show (a) that socially responsible corporate practices developed in response to public critique of corporate powers and (b) that the emergent field of CSR shows capitalism's ability to transform critique into commercial and managerial assets. Devoting specific attention to the role of academic research and theory in consolidating the framework of new governance, the review reflects upon the trajectory of law in latter-day capitalism and theorizes governance as the privatization of the sources and instruments of authority.
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Toward a New Legal Empiricism: Empirical Legal Studies and New Legal Realism
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 555–579More LessThe past decade has seen a return of interest in empirical research within the U.S. legal academy, hearkening back to a similar empirical turn during the ascendancy of Legal Realism in the New Deal era. However, the current revival of legal empiricism has emerged against the backdrop of several well-established traditions of empirical sociolegal research in the interdisciplinary law-and-society movement and in the social science disciplines. This article examines two of the most prominent manifestations of the “new” legal empiricism, empirical legal studies (ELS) and new legal realism (NLR), and it situates them within the preexisting sociolegal terrain. The analysis concludes by considering possible futures for empirical research on law.
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Empirical Legal Scholarship in Law Reviews
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 581–599More LessDespite persistent calls for more empirical legal scholarship, only recently have scholars provided evidence that empirical legal scholarship has indeed entered the mainstream of the legal academy. Defining empirical scholarship as the systematic organization of a series of observations with the method of data collection and analysis made available to the audience, we analyzed the content of 60 law review volumes published in the years 1998 and 2008. Our content analysis revealed that by 2008 nearly half of law review articles included some empirical content. Production of original research is less common. The highest-ranked law reviews published more articles and included more complex research designs. Analyzing the benefits and costs of publishing in law reviews, we predict that law reviews will see more original empirical scholarship in the future, despite the increased availability of peer-reviewed publication outlets.
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Bureaucratic Ethics: IRBs and the Legal Regulation of Human Subjects Research
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 601–626More LessMuch of the literature on human subject regulation asserts that Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) have failed at the task of regulating human subjects research. These critiques of IRB law can be grouped into three loose categories: critiques of IRB law as law, critiques of IRBs as regulation, and critiques of IRBs as a system of norm creation. Moving beyond critique, we rethink the literature on IRBs drawing on the tools and scholarship of the social sciences. In particular, we examine human subjects regulation as an insufficient remedy to inequalities between weak and powerful actors, as a site of professional claims- and career-making, and as an occasion for institutionalization. Finally, distinguishing between the regulation of science and the regulation of ethics, we observe that the latter is far more difficult because ethics are contextual and subject to social construction. For these reasons, IRBs often substitute bureaucratic ethics for professional ethics.
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Conflict Resolution in Organizations
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 627–651More LessTwo meta-theoretical traditions mark research on conflict resolution in organizations: the rationalist tradition, which portrays organizations as goal-directed collectivities and conflict resolution as a threat to efficiency and performance; and the cultural tradition, which portrays organizations as normative collectivities constituted by ongoing social interaction, interpretive dynamics, and institutional environments, and emphasizes the interplay of law and social inequalities in interpersonal and collective organizational conflict resolution. Within these traditions, we distinguish between structural and processual styles of research, noting the empirical methods favored in each tradition, research that blurs the boundaries between the traditions, and vanguard scholarship. Finally, we discuss several potential areas of research that could enhance meaningful intellectual exchange between the traditions.
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On Law, Organizations, and Social Movements
Vol. 6 (2010), pp. 653–685More LessThis review examines the complex interplay among social movements, organizations, and law. Although the sociological literature has recently been attentive to each pair of two of these social arenas—that is, to social movements and organizations, to organizations and law, and to law and social movements—there has been no effort to theorize the relationship among all three of them. We review the literature on each pair of institutions and then suggest ways in which insights about the omitted institution might inform extant work. Finally, we offer a new framework for examining social movements, organizations, and law together. Envisioning the three social arenas as overlapping and mutually constitutive social fields, we suggest that institutional change may occur when exogenous shocks produce contention and settlement in adjacent fields or when endogenous motion occurs as ideas within one field gradually influence practices in adjacent fields.
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Previous Volumes
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Volume 19 (2023)
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Volume 18 (2022)
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Volume 17 (2021)
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Volume 16 (2020)
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Volume 15 (2019)
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Volume 14 (2018)
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Volume 13 (2017)
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Volume 12 (2016)
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Volume 11 (2015)
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Volume 10 (2014)
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Volume 9 (2013)
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Volume 8 (2012)
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Volume 7 (2011)
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Volume 6 (2010)
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Volume 5 (2009)
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Volume 4 (2008)
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Volume 3 (2007)
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Volume 2 (2006)
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Volume 1 (2005)
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Volume 0 (1932)